Actor Arifin Shuvoo made headlines when he announced that he would take only BDT 1 as payment for his role in a film about Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman’s life. Later, the government allocated him an approximately 7200 square feet plot in RAJUK’s Purbachal New Town project. Similarly, Liton Haider, the producer of the film ‘Chiranjib Mujib’, was granted a 2700 square feet plot in the same project.

Between 2018 and 2021, RAJUK allocated 285 plots from its reserved holdings. Of these, 149 plots were granted to members of parliament from the Awami League, top bureaucrats, and leaders of the Awami League’s affiliated organizations. During this time, RAJUK also provided plots to public representatives who already owned properties in Dhaka. According to RAJUK officials, these allocations were made following directives from the relevant ministry.

In the last 15 years, Sheikh Hasina’s government has maintained an iron grip on power by offering various benefits to administrative officials. From state-owned enterprises to political, social and cultural institutions, Awami League members and bureaucrats have come to dominate. These rewards and benefits included money, power, land plots and prized postings. There are even instances of women being exploited for unethical purposes. Through these means, a fascist regime has taken hold in Bangladesh, centering entirely on Sheikh Hasina’s power circle. Meanwhile, the main opposition parties, including the BNP, have faced extensive repression.

This phenomenon isn’t unique to Bangladesh. A similar situation has unfolded in Southeast Asia’s Cambodia, where Hun Sen handed over the premiership to his son last year after four decades of rule. Despite stepping down, Hun Sen remains the President of the Senate, holding substantial power. Under his rule, corruption has flourished, and those within his inner circle have amassed enormous power. On the other hand, his opponents have suffered severe repression. A few years ago, the main opposition party in Cambodia was disbanded, and its leader, Kem Sokha, was sentenced to 27 years in prison on charges of treason.

International media outlets have reported a growing divide between the Cambodian government under Hun Sen’s control and the general public. Similarly, in Bangladesh, the government has distanced itself from the masses over the last 15 years. To maintain power, the Awami League has relied on bureaucrats, administrators, corrupt politicians and even some military officials, who have enriched themselves at the expense of the state. When financial incentives weren’t enough, power was abused. Benefits included land and apartment allocations and coveted postings in various organizations and institutions. Over the past decade and a half, these beneficiaries have become instruments of oppression against the people and the opposition, suppressing freedom of speech and engaging in disappearances, killings, looting and torture.

Discussing the authoritarian regime in Bangladesh, political theorist and analyst Badruddin Umar told Bonik Barta, “The Awami League didn’t rely solely on the party for consolidating power. They heavily depended on bureaucrats and the police. In every sector, there were opportunists. The country’s banking sector was run by beneficiaries, with hundreds of billions of taka embezzled from the banks. Groups like S. Alam Group created various companies and took loans without any approval from the central bank. Among garment owners, 90 percent have illegally accumulated assets abroad. The Managing Director of WASA has been reappointed seven times. The top officials involved in these activities were in collusion with senior officials. As a result, these state institutions became intertwined with the party.”

The practice of rewarding allies with plots in various residential projects in the capital began during Hussain Muhammad Ershad’s rule. However, it reached its peak during Sheikh Hasina's last 15 years in power. A prime example of this is the allocation of plots in Purbachal. The average price of land per katha in this project now exceeds BDT 10 million. The largest beneficiaries of this project have been officials from government and autonomous institutions. Nearly one-fourth of the residential plots were allocated to them under a quota system. Through lotteries, over 7.2 million square feet of land were allotted in this project. Initially priced at BDT 5 million per 720 square feet, the current market price has risen to BDT 20 million.

Purbachal plot allocations have thus paved the way for government officials to amass wealth. Those who received plots have made extraordinary financial gains. By selling their plots, these officials are acquiring sums far exceeding what they would earn from a lifetime of service and pension.

The Rajdhani Unnayan Kartripakkha (RAJUK) allocated 1,632 plots to government officials through the first phase of a lottery in the project. Additionally, 654 plots were allocated to employees of autonomous organizations, 472 under the business and industrial quota, 591 to private employees, 591 under the expatriate quota, 296 under the freedom fighter quota, 24 under the secretary quota, 110 under the lawyer quota, 14 under the judge quota, 57 under the member of parliament quota, 57 under the retired officer quota, 181 under other quotas, 151 under the artist quota and 55 under the journalist quota. RAJUK officials, reserved personnel, and project-affected individuals were also allocated plots. Over time, plots in Purbachal have continued to be allocated and many have changed ownership through purchase and sale since the initial allocation.

In some cases, these plots have been sold at prices 15-20 times higher than the purchase price. A senior government official who was allocated a plot through the lottery spent around BDT 1.5 million from allocation to receiving the lease deed. He sold the five-katha plot in Sector 17 four years ago for BDT 5 million per katha (720 square feet), totaling BDT 25 million.

The Awami League government has also attempted to maintain military loyalty through plot allocations. During General (Ret.) Aziz Ahmed’s tenure as Army Chief, the government announced the implementation of the Jolshiri Housing Project for the army. At that time, one of the top oligarchs of the Awami League era, Ahmed Akbar Sobhan’s Bashundhara Group, became involved. Additionally, the army has been involved in various infrastructure development projects at different times.

Among these projects is the Integrated Development of Hatirjheel Area Project. The army was also involved in road development around Dhaka, traffic congestion alleviation, the Hatirjheel U-loop, the Dhaka Elevated Expressway Shifting Construction Project, the Joydebpur-Mymensingh Four-Lane Road Development Project, the Mirpur Airport Road Flyover, the Banani Rail Crossing Overpass Construction, the Dhanmondi Lake Development Project, and the Rayerbazar Cemetery Development Project. Many allege that engaging the army in the infrastructure sector has diverted them from their primary focus as a professional military force.

During the Awami League’s tenure, top government officials altered the policy priorities of the country’s power and energy sectors. Allegations exist that these officials manipulated the government into making irrational decisions to allow major players in the sector to make undue profits through corruption. One key figure in this was former Principal Secretary Ahmad Kaikaus. He allegedly facilitated illogical benefits and tender manipulation for private businesses in the power sector through special laws. He played a significant role in planning large power plants funded by private and foreign investors. Several accusations, including tender manipulation and favoritism toward contractors in major mega-projects like Rampal, Payra, Matarbari and Rooppur have been leveled against him.

As a reward for making the power sector dependent on private and foreign entrepreneurs, this official was appointed as the Prime Minister’s Principal Secretary on December 29, 2019. He allegedly used his influence to dominate the administration and interfere with decisions in the power sector. He has worked at the top levels of government for over three decades, earning a reputation as a loyal bureaucrat.

Former Inspector General of Police Benazir Ahmed was among the most controversial government officials during Sheikh Hasina’s tenure, accused of power abuse and corruption. He led various police agencies from 2010 to 2022. During his time as Director General, the Rapid Action Battalion (RAB) faced harsh criticism for disappearances, extrajudicial killings and murders. He led the operation against the Hefazat-e-Islam gathering at Shapla Chattar in Motijheel. As a reward for fulfilling administrative goals during Sheikh Hasina’s three terms, he was promoted to various top police positions. From October 2010 to 2015, he served as Commissioner of Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP), Director General of RAB from January 2015 to April 2020 and finally as Inspector General of Police. He received numerous awards during his career but also amassed significant wealth by exploiting his power. An Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) report shows that Benazir and his family purchased over 204 acres or 8.9 million square feet of land between 2009 and 2023. Of these, 112 acres were acquired during his tenure as police and RAB chief. Investigators have identified properties in Dhaka, Gopalganj, Madaripur and Cox’s Bazar owned by him, his wife and their three daughters. This includes nearly 112 acres in his home district of Gopalganj.

Like Benazir, several other top police officials face widespread allegations of corruption and power abuse. Former Dhaka Metropolitan Police (DMP) Commissioner Asaduzzaman Mia also became wealthy through misuse of power, corruption and irregularities. The Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) has already formed a two-member committee to investigate these allegations against the former police official. According to various sources, the former senior officer’s wife owns a house and two apartments in Dhaka, while his daughter owns another apartment. Additionally, his wife and children own approximately 29,185 square feet of land in Dhaka, Gazipur and Narayanganj, with additional 72,310 square feet registered in their names across these three districts.

Regarding this matter, Transparency International Bangladesh’s (TIB) Executive Director, Iftekharuzzaman told Bonik Barta, “Over the past fifteen years, the Awami League has strayed from democratic processes, viewing the power entrusted to them as a means for self-interest and wealth accumulation. To enjoy this power by sidelining the people, they have misused authority at all levels, treating it as a license. To protect this, every institution has been politicized. State institutions like the Anti-Corruption Commission, Human Rights Commission and Election Commission have been monopolized by the party. These institutions were empowered unilaterally to serve the party’s interests, which led to law enforcement agencies acting like party spokespeople.”

During Sheikh Hasina’s administration, one of the most talked-about figures in the executive branch was former Cabinet Secretary Kabir Bin Anwar. He held the positions of President and General Secretary of the Bangladesh Administrative Service Association (BASA), a key organization for field-level administrative officers, for an extended period. Known for his influence behind numerous appointments and transfers in the administration, he also gained a reputation for his luxurious lifestyle and for carrying weapons. He remained in the spotlight even after his retirement, particularly due to his involvement in politics. After serving as Cabinet Secretary, he joined Awami League politics during his post-retirement leave. As a reward for his loyalty, he was appointed to the chair once held by Sheikh Hasina’s long-time political adviser, Hossain Toufique Imam, in January last year.

The Awami League government has also provided various benefits and opportunities for illicit earnings to other bureaucrats who played roles in maintaining their hold on power. In some cases, these privileges even surpassed those of elected representatives in the Parliament. Bureaucrats, like ministers, have exploited these opportunities to create institutions in the name of their parents using public funds. For example, former Social Welfare Minister Nuruzzaman Ahmed built the ‘Karimpur Noorjahan-Shamsunnahar Mother and Child Specialized Hospital’ in his village with funding from the Department of Social Services, naming it after his mother. Bureaucrats have also enjoyed similar privileges. Former Secretary of Social Welfare, Zuena Aziz, established the ‘Ferdous-Majid Handicapped Service Center and Hospital’ in Noakhali, named after her grandparents.

Alongside the executive and judicial branches of the state, financial institutions have been plagued by looting, irregularities, and money laundering over the past fifteen years. Allegations have surfaced that former governors of Bangladesh Bank indirectly aided the government in these endeavors. During Professor Dr. Atiur Rahman’s tenure, nine new banks were approved, while four more were sanctioned under Fazle Kabir.

In addition to government officials and bureaucrats, Sheikh Hasina’s administration has also extended opportunities to political leaders and activists to consolidate power. One such example is Shamima Nur Papia, General Secretary of the Jubo Mohila League. Papia amassed substantial wealth through illegal arms, drugs, smuggling, counterfeit currency operations, extortion, influence-peddling, land grabbing and unethical business practices. In 2020, following Papia’s arrest, former RAB-1 Commander Shafiullah Bulbul revealed at a press conference how the ex-leader of the Jubo Mohila League had established a network to exploit women and run illicit operations from a five-star hotel in the capital. She would send compromising photos of women to wealthy individuals and blackmail those who showed interest. Several inappropriate videos of women were discovered, which were described as degrading.

Former Jubo League leader Ismail Hossain Samrat also amassed enormous wealth through tender manipulation, extortion, drug trafficking and casino operations, leveraging his political position. By controlling Dhaka City Corporation tenders, extorting various areas, showcasing weapons and running a casino business, Samrat became incredibly wealthy. His casino empire wasn’t limited to Bangladesh; a case was filed against him for laundering BDT 20 million to Malaysia and Singapore between 2011 and 2018. However, in the money laundering case against Samrat, the CID of the police revealed that BDT 1.95 billion had been laundered to Singapore and Malaysia. Most of the laundered money was spent on casinos in those countries.

Similarly, Khaled Mahmud Bhuiyan, another Jubo League leader, used his political position to run a casino business in Dhaka. Despite initially running the casino business quietly during Awami League’s rule, he became increasingly reckless and was arrested on September 18, 2019. Khaled was the president of the Youngmen’s Club in Fakirapul, where the casino operated. On November 23, 2020, the Anti-Corruption Commission (ACC) approved a charge sheet against Khaled, accusing him of acquiring BDT 427.57 million in illegal assets and laundering BDT 87.43 million. The investigation uncovered more of Khaled’s funds in multiple bank accounts in Malaysia, Singapore and Thailand. During interrogation in the casino case, Khaled admitted to taking on construction projects by manipulating influential people and intimidating others. He worked on a BDT 520 million road repair project in Motijheel for the City Corporation and a BDT 400 million government project in Purbachal.

Economist Anu Muhammad believes that various elements within the state were and still are active in keeping Sheikh Hasina’s government in power for an extended period. He told Bonik Barta, “Our country has had sufficient fascist elements. They have also made efforts. At the same time, they relied on these elements to maintain their grip on power. The civil-military bureaucracy was kept on their side by providing various benefits. In addition, they used softer issues to appeal to the public, notably the Liberation War and religion. During such regimes, force is applied on one side while dominating people’s softer issues on the other. Such regimes often have significant support, unlike during Ayub Khan’s dictatorship, which lacked public backing to this extent. The Awami League has relied on the spirit of the Liberation War and religion. But the current situation has emerged due to public discontent and their actions.”